Eduardo Vasco
The Axis of Resistance points the way forward for all oppressed masses of the world, Eduardo Vasco writes.
The genocide carried out by the terrorist regime of Israel against the Palestinians, since the beginning of Operation Al-Aqsa Flood, has ushered in a new era of popular rebellion across the globe.
The operation led by Hamas itself is proof of this. And, as a genuine popular rebellion, it emerged from the oppressed masses, from the independent organization of workers, peasants, and Palestinian youth. It overcame the bureaucratic obstacles of the state structure of the Palestinian Authority-a shackle on the wrists of the Palestinian people-which tried at all costs to prevent the concrete struggle against the Zionist occupation.
In backward nations, a key factor for revolution has been the inability of nationalist governments to break with their policy of conciliation with imperialism, and the resulting rise in popular consciousness aimed at overcoming this policy through the independent organization of workers and oppressed masses.
Hamas in Palestine, Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Popular Mobilization Forces in Iraq-and earlier, the Taliban in U.S.-occupied Afghanistan and the Houthis in Yemen oppressed by Saudi Arabia-NATO-are concrete expressions of this rise in popular consciousness. Indeed, their strengthening, by representing an alternative to conciliation and collaboration with imperialism, has turned them into a parallel power to the state. Dual power cannot last long, as seen between February and October 1917 in Russia.
It is clear that the situation in these countries has not yet enabled workers to adopt a fully revolutionary, that is, proletarian policy. Hamas, Hezbollah, the PMF, and other revolutionary organizations remain limited to the national struggle-for Arab and Islamic peoples, the regional struggle is a national struggle. But their actions are already fundamental steps toward a fully revolutionary policy: the national struggle, a democratic struggle, carried forward by a revolutionary movement, opens the path to the overthrow of all exploiters of the people-not only the imperialists, but also their national vassals.
The Taliban, as well as the Houthis in one-third of Yemen, seized power through armed revolution. Hamas, Hezbollah, and the PMF follow their examples, while the official governments of Palestine, Lebanon, and Iraq remain practically immobilized, drifting further each day from the aspirations and demands of their own peoples, inspired by the struggles of their neighbors.
The governments in Ramallah, Beirut, and Baghdad stand paralyzed in the face of all the atrocities of Israel and the United States, the territorial invasion and extermination of their own citizens, aerial bombardments even against government and military headquarters, and the daily humiliation imposed by the greatest enemies of Arab and Islamic peoples. This is when they are not directly serving as watchdogs for those enemies, imprisoning their own citizens and attempting to disarm popular self-organization.
In effect, independent organizations from their respective governments are the only ones fighting imperialism and Zionism in Palestine, Lebanon, and Iraq. In Yemen, the rebels-as they have been called by the international press for over a decade-even while controlling a smaller portion of the country's territory and being under complete isolation from the "international community," provide a lesson in courage and internationalism by launching missiles and drones against Israel and its allies in support of the liberation struggles of Palestine, Lebanon, and Iran. Meanwhile, nothing is heard of any action by the unpopular, imperialist-lackey government based in Aden.
With the exception of Iran-still under the effects of the 1979 Revolution, the most important revolution in the world since the Chinese Revolution-it is not states that are fighting for the national interests of their peoples. It is the peoples themselves who are taking on this task. This clearly indicates the fragility of the ruling classes in the countries of the region in the face of any political instability, as well as the failure of the policy of moderation and class collaboration with imperialism.
But it is mistaken to think that this assessment applies only to Middle Eastern countries. U.S. imperialism, with the complicity and support of European imperialism, is openly attacking the whole set of oppressed nations. In Latin America this is evident: first, the bombings, the kidnapping of President Maduro, and the subjugation of Venezuela. Now, the agonizing economic strangulation of Cuba, as Trump prepares for military aggression.
The large-scale invasion of Venezuela did not occur only because, like Iran, the country's regime is strongly influenced by workers' organization-and they have armed themselves to face any invasion. The Chavista bureaucracy, however, restrained workers' action so as not to cross the red line that would jeopardize its conciliation with imperialism and joint domination over the country. In other words: out of fear of proletarian revolution, fueled by the war of the entire people against imperialism, the PSUV preferred an agreement with imperialism, handing over a significant portion of national sovereignty in order to remain in power.
In Cuba, workers have been in power for over 60 years. And they are armed. But the island is, naturally, an isolated nation. Worse still: the United States is just a few strokes away. Cuba, which had already suffered a crushing economic blockade since the early days of the revolution, is living through its worst days. And no "friendly" government is doing anything to help it, except Russia. Mexico, right next door, has a left-wing government that does not want to displease the United States and is racking its brain to find a way to show its voters that it will not abandon Cuba, but without affecting relations with Washington.
Meanwhile, Lula's government in Brazil prefers to bury its head in the sand and ignore the situation in Cuba. The only ones taking action, especially in Brazil, are popular movements, organizing fundraising campaigns to purchase and send materials to Cuba, such as solar panels, medicines, etc. International activists have just brought independent vessels carrying humanitarian aid to the island, crossing the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean, exposing themselves to the risk of interception by U.S. maritime patrols-an obstacle cited by left-wing governments as justification for not sending aid to Cuba.
Thus, in Latin America as well, popular self-organization emerges as a counterpoint to the paralysis and cowardice of nationalist governments engaged in class collaboration with imperialism. Acts of solidarity, even if more symbolic than concrete, signal a rise in consciousness driven by the intensification of the global class struggle, manifested above all through national struggles in countries oppressed by imperialism.
But in Europe itself, the struggle is also intensifying. Crowds have taken to the streets against the genocide in Gaza and in support of the Palestinian national liberation struggle. The scale of popular pressure, with radical demonstrations, strikes, and transport blockades, has forced some imperialist governments to pretend they oppose the devastation they are complicit in. Pedro Sánchez may deceive the more naïve, but he has only raised the tone of his supposedly progressive rhetoric because his government is fragile and depends on support from sections of workers and the liberal middle class, who are moved by the suffering of Palestinian women and children.
The international political scenario will worsen as the capitalist economy enters collapse due to its own contradictions, financial bubbles, industrial overproduction, and the need to open markets-whose use of force generates responses from sovereign nations such as Iran, China, and Russia, closing routes like the Strait of Hormuz and accelerating the global crisis.
As political tensions between imperialism and oppressed nations intensify, internal perspectives-between the national bourgeoisie and other ruling classes on one side, and workers, peasants, and oppressed masses on the other-will become increasingly distant. The national bourgeoisie in each backward country daily demonstrates its total inability to serve national interests, with repeated capitulations to the demands of international bankers and industrialists, and attacks on the rights and living standards of their own peoples.
The Axis of Resistance points the way forward for all oppressed masses of the world: they are the only ones capable of defending national interests and can do so on their own, without relying on the leadership of ruling classes that are sabotaging, treacherous, and enemies of the nation.
However, as important as actions outside the state apparatus may be, they are only a form of accumulating forces in preparation for something greater: the seizure of the state apparatus itself, which is in the hands of the exploiting classes. The state is the supreme power, the mechanism through which the classes that have been exploited until now can finally become the rulers of society and ensure the interests and needs of the broad popular masses.
The seizure of state power-that is, social revolution-is the effective realization of the liberation of oppressed nations from the imperialist yoke-and, as in wealthy nations, also liberation from their own exploiting classes. As long as popular organization lacks clarity about this objective and does not break with all its illusions in the bourgeoisie and its institutions, self-organization will not be able to advance, will lack perspective, and will therefore risk regression and fragmentation by imperialism and its national lackeys. The daily struggle against class conciliation, the arming of the people, and the unity of workers with peasants in revolutionary parties and fronts, along with the broad dissemination of the struggles of Eastern peoples, are the path toward raising popular consciousness in preparation for the great rebellion of the peoples of the 21st century.